昨日は国際女性の日でした。インドのDrikという写真関係の団体からそれに因んでマニプルの活動家イロム・シャミーラ（Irom Sharmila）に関する文書とポスターが送られて来たので、ご紹介します。
陸軍の将校だけでなく、下級将校や下士官たちまでもが、公安を乱す嫌疑のある者に武力を行使し、殺すことまで認めている、この軍隊特別権限法ががはじめて適用されたのは１９５８年、マニプル州の少数の地区に対してでした。拷問や疾走、拘禁中の死亡、レイプ、治安部隊による見せしめ処刑などが報告されています。
イロム・シャミーラ（Irom Sharmila）は2000年11月に治安部隊によって10人の市民の命を奪った「Malom Massacre（マロムの虐殺）http://
手紙は英文になります。そのまま転載します。翻訳割愛。
The Armed Forces Special Powers Act came into action from 11th September 1958. The 7 north-eastern states of India were declared Disturbed Areas by the Indian Government. Manipur, one of the 7 states was the core zone of implementation of the Act.
The attitude of the security forces towards Manipuri insurgents as a whole, and their treatment of Manipuri women at the time of internal war, and their activities under Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958 had become tragic blots to the principles of Indian democracy. The whole implications of the anti-Armed Forces Special Powers Act movement reveal serious contradictions in the practice of the national state, questions the social, economic and developmental policies and operation of state power in the context of insurgency.
The Act gives unprecedented powers to any commissioned officer, warrant officer, non commissioned officer or any other person of equivalent rank in the armed forces to fire upon or use force on anyone under suspicion of being an insurgent even to the causing of death. The officer can also enter and search without warrant any premises if suspicion is aroused against any man or woman of keeping weapons and ammunitions. The officer can arrest, without warrant, any person who has committed an offence or against whom any suspicion exists that he may commit an offence. No persecution, suit or other legal proceeding shall be instituted, except with the previous sanction of the Central Government, against any person in respect of anything done or purported to be done in exercise of the powers conferred by this Act. Under this light, gender violence takes a different shape altogether in Manipur where State acts as one of the perpetrators of violence through the application of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958. Rape is one of the most potent methods used by the repressive State for subjugation of the women. The manner of rape is indicative of a desire to subvert the opposition of women built into the psyche of Indian security agencies. There are some cases of rape cited below:
• The case of Thangjam Manorama. • N. Sanjita, a schoolgirl, committed suicide, after the 12th Grenadiers at Jiribam raped her in October 2003. • Twenty two year old K. Memita died after suffering wounds inflicted by rubber bullets and explosion of a tear gas shell under her petticoat. • A married woman at Mataikhul was raped by the security forces encamped near the area. • Rural virgin girls are taken away to the camps, denuded and their buttocks are slashed with cane sticks for allegedly harboring militants in their families.
A non-violent, conscious political action under Gandhian principles to remove the Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958 emerged with the advent of Irom Sharmila, a 28 year old virgin who vowed on fast unto death following the “Malom Massacre” of 10 civilians by the security forces in November 2000. Her life and actions aroused the conscience of the international community of human rights defenders, yet the nature of the state’s response to her case, lack of political will, and general public apathy and inability to actively intervene on the issue (apart from the recent massive agitation as well as the anti-Armed Forces Special Powers Act agitation from November 2000 to March 2001) reveal deep contradictions in contemporary gender insensitivity in the midst of social and political classes and absolute non-workability of democratic practice in the cause of justice.
Sharmila’s upbringing, her rights activism in the light of associations with the rights movement (she participated in the Justice Suresh Public Tribunal at Imphal in October 2000) and her physical experience of the plight and trauma of Mrs. Mercie Kabui of Lamdan, who was raped in front of her father-in-law by the Indian security forces – all these shaped her into an intense committed fighter to protest against the injustice of Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958, which was concretely witnessed in the tragedy of Malom. She decided to fast unto death, to the extent of ending her life for the cause. These sacrifices and incidents of fatalistic activism was a reaction to the sheer intensity and ferocity of state violence over the citizenry, which provoked unusual, extreme responses from individuals and groups. Incidentally the government did not record Sharmila’s protest against the Armed Forces Special Powers Act as a politically legitimate action, but arrested her on charges of attempting to commit suicide under IPC 309. The duplicity of the state, the entrenched gender insensitivity was reflected in the state’s action, and also the ineffectuality of the democratic struggle for justice was legitimized indirectly by the contemporary state, which enhances feelings and aptitudes towards violence.
The attached poster illustration is a symbol and cry for solidarity in support of legitimate demands raised by Irom Sharmila for the withdrawal of prolonged imposition of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) in Manipur.
以上まで文書の転載。
更にはIrom’s iron in the soulという記事もご参照されたし。
http://
youme.
陸軍の将校だけでなく、下級将校や下士官たちまでもが、公安を乱す嫌疑のある者に武力を行使し、殺すことまで認めている、この軍隊特別権限法ががはじめて適用されたのは１９５８年、マニプル州の少数の地区に対してでした。拷問や疾走、拘禁中の死亡、レイプ、治安部隊による見せしめ処刑などが報告されています。
イロム・シャミーラ（Irom Sharmila）は2000年11月に治安部隊によって10人の市民の命を奪った「Malom Massacre（マロムの虐殺）http://
手紙は英文になります。そのまま転載します。翻訳割愛。
The Armed Forces Special Powers Act came into action from 11th September 1958. The 7 north-eastern states of India were declared Disturbed Areas by the Indian Government. Manipur, one of the 7 states was the core zone of implementation of the Act.
The attitude of the security forces towards Manipuri insurgents as a whole, and their treatment of Manipuri women at the time of internal war, and their activities under Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958 had become tragic blots to the principles of Indian democracy. The whole implications of the anti-Armed Forces Special Powers Act movement reveal serious contradictions in the practice of the national state, questions the social, economic and developmental policies and operation of state power in the context of insurgency.
The Act gives unprecedented powers to any commissioned officer, warrant officer, non commissioned officer or any other person of equivalent rank in the armed forces to fire upon or use force on anyone under suspicion of being an insurgent even to the causing of death. The officer can also enter and search without warrant any premises if suspicion is aroused against any man or woman of keeping weapons and ammunitions. The officer can arrest, without warrant, any person who has committed an offence or against whom any suspicion exists that he may commit an offence. No persecution, suit or other legal proceeding shall be instituted, except with the previous sanction of the Central Government, against any person in respect of anything done or purported to be done in exercise of the powers conferred by this Act. Under this light, gender violence takes a different shape altogether in Manipur where State acts as one of the perpetrators of violence through the application of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958. Rape is one of the most potent methods used by the repressive State for subjugation of the women. The manner of rape is indicative of a desire to subvert the opposition of women built into the psyche of Indian security agencies. There are some cases of rape cited below:
• The case of Thangjam Manorama. • N. Sanjita, a schoolgirl, committed suicide, after the 12th Grenadiers at Jiribam raped her in October 2003. • Twenty two year old K. Memita died after suffering wounds inflicted by rubber bullets and explosion of a tear gas shell under her petticoat. • A married woman at Mataikhul was raped by the security forces encamped near the area. • Rural virgin girls are taken away to the camps, denuded and their buttocks are slashed with cane sticks for allegedly harboring militants in their families.
A non-violent, conscious political action under Gandhian principles to remove the Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958 emerged with the advent of Irom Sharmila, a 28 year old virgin who vowed on fast unto death following the “Malom Massacre” of 10 civilians by the security forces in November 2000. Her life and actions aroused the conscience of the international community of human rights defenders, yet the nature of the state’s response to her case, lack of political will, and general public apathy and inability to actively intervene on the issue (apart from the recent massive agitation as well as the anti-Armed Forces Special Powers Act agitation from November 2000 to March 2001) reveal deep contradictions in contemporary gender insensitivity in the midst of social and political classes and absolute non-workability of democratic practice in the cause of justice.
Sharmila’s upbringing, her rights activism in the light of associations with the rights movement (she participated in the Justice Suresh Public Tribunal at Imphal in October 2000) and her physical experience of the plight and trauma of Mrs. Mercie Kabui of Lamdan, who was raped in front of her father-in-law by the Indian security forces – all these shaped her into an intense committed fighter to protest against the injustice of Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1958, which was concretely witnessed in the tragedy of Malom. She decided to fast unto death, to the extent of ending her life for the cause. These sacrifices and incidents of fatalistic activism was a reaction to the sheer intensity and ferocity of state violence over the citizenry, which provoked unusual, extreme responses from individuals and groups. Incidentally the government did not record Sharmila’s protest against the Armed Forces Special Powers Act as a politically legitimate action, but arrested her on charges of attempting to commit suicide under IPC 309. The duplicity of the state, the entrenched gender insensitivity was reflected in the state’s action, and also the ineffectuality of the democratic struggle for justice was legitimized indirectly by the contemporary state, which enhances feelings and aptitudes towards violence.
The attached poster illustration is a symbol and cry for solidarity in support of legitimate demands raised by Irom Sharmila for the withdrawal of prolonged imposition of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) in Manipur.
以上まで文書の転載。
更にはIrom’s iron in the soulという記事もご参照されたし。
http://
youme.
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