現在、東ティモールがインドネシアとの間で直面している、非常に難しい問題をあつかった記事です（オーストラリアのニュースです）。写真は記事に登場するAna Lemos。
http://
「Timor's truth time bomb」
February 13, 2006
A report about human rights atrocities will test the delicate relationship between Dili and Jakarta, writes Lindsay Murdoch.
ANA Lemos was a prize catch. By the time pro-Jakarta militia paraded her through her home town of Gleno in the coffee-growing mountains south of Dili she had been raped so often that her breasts and vagina were black and her skin was peeling.
One man had even raped her in front of her mother, Ines Lemos, and two of her young children. "Why doesn't he just kill Ana? Why does he bring Ana, already swollen, her body full of bruises and treat her like an animal in front of us?" Lemos pleaded with other militia.
It was in the cool early morning of September 13, 1999, when a militia commander known as Bola Guling came to get 34-year-old Ana, who had dared speak publicly in favour of East Timor's freedom and who had dared work for the United Nations organising a referendum on independence.
"Mama, I will be killed for sure by him," Ana whispered to her mother before pressing money into her hand.
"This money is to look after my children," she said before being silently led away.
They found Ana's naked and mutilated body several days later.
In her deeply religious and conservative culture, it took a lot of courage for 63-year-old Lemos to testify at a hearing of East Timor's Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation about what happened to her daughter.
Unlike some of East Timor's leaders, including President Xanana Gusmao, Lemos is now demanding that her daughter's killers, who are in Indonesia, be arrested and prosecuted for crimes against humanity.
"As a mother, I want the killers arrested, [there] can be no other way," she told the Herald at her mud-brick house in the mountains where she cares for Ana's three children.
The commission's 2500-page report, in which Ana Lemos is referred to by the code ZE, stands to become the historic record of East Timor's bloody struggle for statehood.
But East Timorese still don't know what it says because Gusmao, apparently worried about upsetting the tiny nation's precarious relations with Indonesia, has not yet allowed it to be released, even though he received it on October 31 last year.
Its findings, many of which Indonesia refutes, include that 18,600 non-combatant East Timorese were killed or disappeared and at least 84,000 more died as a direct result of displacement policies during Jakarta's brutal 24-year rule over the former Portuguese colony.
It contains exhaustive evidence of widespread and systematic rape and torture by the Indonesian military that was documented during more than three years of hearings where the testimonies of thousands of witnesses and victims were documented.
The report concludes that there is credible and extensive evidence that planning for, and knowledge of, a "scorched earth" policy in the days after the independence vote extended to the highest echelons of the Indonesian military.
The policy led to towns, villages and churches being razed, the population brutalised and the forced relocation of 250,000 people to Indonesian West Timor.
The report recommends that the UN Security Council set up a tribunal "should other measures be deemed to have failed to deliver a sufficient measure of justice and Indonesia persists in obstructing justice".
But the Timorese don't escape without criticism. The report attributes 10 per cent of the deaths to internecine violence among the four main East Timorese parties and reprisals against those who collaborated with the Indonesian military.
The report has the potential to divide the nation and could open old wounds between domestic political groups, observers in Dili say.
The Catholic Church, community groups, opposition parties and thousands of victims are certain to increase pressure on the Government to push for an international tribunal when the report is eventually disseminated.
However, Gusmao and the East Timorese Government have made clear they don't want the report to disrupt relations with Jakarta - where the loss of East Timor is still an extremely sensitive political issue. Gusmao and Indonesia's President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, are scheduled to meet in Indonesia on February 17.
While rejecting many of the report's findings, Indonesian Government spokesmen said Jakarta wanted to "strengthen already close relations" between the two countries.
Gusmao and Yudhoyono are backing the truth and friendship commission set up by the Indonesian and East Timor governments to investigate human rights violations in 1999.
But the commission has been widely criticised because it will not have the powers to prosecute anybody.
Joao Goncalves, vice-president of East Timor's opposition Social Democratic Party, warns the country cannot have reconciliation with Indonesia "unless it is combined with justice for the victims".
"My party strongly believes that those people who have committed crimes of genocide have got to be brought to justice," he says. "And we believe it is also in Indonesia's best interests to see that the perpetrators are dealt with."
Even before the report is officially handed this week to the Catholic Church, the most powerful institution in a country where 90 per cent of people are Catholic, church representatives are warning they will not accept Gusmao's acquiescence to Indonesia on amnesty for Indonesians who committed atrocities.
The director of the church's Justice and Peace Commission, Martinho Gusmao, says the Catholic Church wants the international community to set up a tribunal.
"This is not just a problem between East Timor and Indonesia. They were crimes against humanity and this is a big international issue," Father Martinho says.
"The church intends to flex its muscles on this issue. How can there be justice if amnesties are granted to those responsible?"
He says the church will inform the people that the Government did not wish to press for justice.
Gusmao, a revered former guerilla leader, said he respects the church's stand but insists as head of state "let us not waste time in kneeling ourselves before the wailing wall".
Gusmao, in a letter accompanying the report, to be sent to 12 embassies in Dili including Australia's, says "I do not agree with all the commission's recommendations" although he was "pleased" with its work.
"We must respect the courage of the Indonesians in accepting our independence and not disrupt their progress towards democratisation by demanding formal justice," he was quoted recently as saying.
Gusmao tells the story of how he used to cry for the men he lost in battle. But then a platoon commander came to him and told him to stop crying. "Now your duty is not to cry for everyone who dies," the commander said. "Take care of us that are still alive."
Gusmao says "this is a good lesson in how to look at the current situation".
East Timor's Foreign Minister, Jose Ramos Horta, told the Herald that Gusmao never intended to suppress the report and was planning a series of workshops and seminars to disseminate its findings across the country.
But Ramos Horta, a Nobel laureate, said he had not yet had the courage to read all of it.
"I lost three brothers, a sister remains profoundly traumatised and angry. I never asked my mother or brothers or sisters what they went through because I don't want to go through the whole ordeal," he says.
Ramos Horta says the "bits of the report I have read confirm what I have known for many, many years about what happened here, a terrible indictment of the Indonesian army and of Indonesian society".
"And as a society they have to deal with the truth of the 24 years of Indonesian occupation in East Timor."
Ramos Horta says he and Gusmao agree that before the East Timorese demand action be taken against the Indonesians, they must "acknowledge our own past mistakes".
"Before Indonesia ever invaded this country there was a civil war," Ramos Horta says. "The first casualties were among East Timorese. The first weapons used were not Indonesian weapons."
The people of Gleno have built a monument to honour Ana. Her full name was Ana Xavier Conceicao Lemos, an independence hero.
Her mother likes to show visitors to her house a photograph of Ana as a smiling, confident young mother.
When she did for the Herald, Ana's 10 year-old son, Ferdenco, bursts into tears. "She was just a beautiful person," Ines Lemos said. "It's so hard when we think of her."
The people of Gleno knew that Ana's fate was probably sealed when she spoke at a public meeting early in 1999, daring to ask why the Indonesian army was not neutral in referendum campaigning and why Timorese were being set against Timorese.
They don't understand how the United Nations, which recruited and employed her, putting her at greater risk, could have abandoned her and is unwilling to bring her killers to justice.
Helene van Klinken, an Australian academic whose research contributed to the report, befriended Ana when she went to the Ermera district in June 1999 to work as a UN political affairs officer.
She recalls the last words that Ana wrote to her: "I hope at last the truth will always win, radiating light and hope, giving meaning to struggle. This is my prayer."
End.
[picture] No reconciliation without justice … Ana Lemos was raped and killed by militia. Photo: SUPPLIED ZZZ
☆概略
「ティモールの真実という時限爆弾」
〜人権に関するレポート（以前シャナナ・グスマオ東ティモール大統領が国連に提出したものです、yegy）はディリとジャカルタの間のデリケイトな関係を試すだろう〜
ANA LemosはGlenoに住んでいた。彼女はティモールの独立を主張し、住民投票に際しては国連の仕事に協力した。そして、インドネシア兵から性的虐待をうけ、連れ去られて殺された（この記事にはその有様が詳細に記述されています、yegy）。
ANA Lemosの母は娘の殺人者が起訴されるべきだと強く主張している。
真実和解委員会のレポートは東ティモール国内の古い傷を再び開きかねない。グスマオ大統領とユドヨノ・インドネシア大統領は2月17日に会談する予定。
グスマオと東ティモール政府はこのレポートがインドネシアとの関係を悪くさせることを望まない。
東ティモール人の90％が信仰するカトリックの教会は、グスマオたちの立場に反対する。
Martinho神父は
「これは東ティモールとインドネシアだけの問題ではない。これらは人権に対する罪で、大きな世界的問題だ。」
グスマオは教会の立場を尊重するという。しかし、「我々はすばらしい壁の前にひざまずいて時間を浪費すべきではない」と言う（“すばらしい壁”は宗教的な「真理」を意味していると思います、yegy）。
「我々はインドネシアが我々の独立を受け入れ、民主化への道を壊さなかったことの勇気を尊敬します。」グスマオは言った。
グスマオはある集団の指導者から次のように言われた。
「今のあなたのすべきことは死んだ人間を嘆き悲しむより、今生きている人間について考えることだ」
Glenoの人々はAnaを称える像を建てた。
Anaのことば。
「私は真実はいつでも最後には勝利し、努力に意味を与え、輝く光と希望となる。これが私の祈りです」
☆コメント
Anaに上記のような犯罪を犯したインドネシア兵が罪を問われていない現状は異常としか言いようがありません。それにもかかわらず、シャナナをはじめとした東ティモールの指導者たちは、それをインドネシアに対して要求できません。
しかし、シャナナは独立運動時代から数々の柔軟な知性を発揮してきました。これは真理に対していつでも揺るぎない主張を持っていたベロ司教とは対極的な姿勢と思います。正直僕には、東ティモールのこの状況について、なんと言うこともできません。もちろん国民を飢えさせるわけにはいかないのですから。
余談ですがユドヨノ大統領はノーベル平和賞候補となっているそうです。たしかにそれだけの仕事をしたと僕も思います。
http://
「Timor's truth time bomb」
February 13, 2006
A report about human rights atrocities will test the delicate relationship between Dili and Jakarta, writes Lindsay Murdoch.
ANA Lemos was a prize catch. By the time pro-Jakarta militia paraded her through her home town of Gleno in the coffee-growing mountains south of Dili she had been raped so often that her breasts and vagina were black and her skin was peeling.
One man had even raped her in front of her mother, Ines Lemos, and two of her young children. "Why doesn't he just kill Ana? Why does he bring Ana, already swollen, her body full of bruises and treat her like an animal in front of us?" Lemos pleaded with other militia.
It was in the cool early morning of September 13, 1999, when a militia commander known as Bola Guling came to get 34-year-old Ana, who had dared speak publicly in favour of East Timor's freedom and who had dared work for the United Nations organising a referendum on independence.
"Mama, I will be killed for sure by him," Ana whispered to her mother before pressing money into her hand.
"This money is to look after my children," she said before being silently led away.
They found Ana's naked and mutilated body several days later.
In her deeply religious and conservative culture, it took a lot of courage for 63-year-old Lemos to testify at a hearing of East Timor's Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation about what happened to her daughter.
Unlike some of East Timor's leaders, including President Xanana Gusmao, Lemos is now demanding that her daughter's killers, who are in Indonesia, be arrested and prosecuted for crimes against humanity.
"As a mother, I want the killers arrested, [there] can be no other way," she told the Herald at her mud-brick house in the mountains where she cares for Ana's three children.
The commission's 2500-page report, in which Ana Lemos is referred to by the code ZE, stands to become the historic record of East Timor's bloody struggle for statehood.
But East Timorese still don't know what it says because Gusmao, apparently worried about upsetting the tiny nation's precarious relations with Indonesia, has not yet allowed it to be released, even though he received it on October 31 last year.
Its findings, many of which Indonesia refutes, include that 18,600 non-combatant East Timorese were killed or disappeared and at least 84,000 more died as a direct result of displacement policies during Jakarta's brutal 24-year rule over the former Portuguese colony.
It contains exhaustive evidence of widespread and systematic rape and torture by the Indonesian military that was documented during more than three years of hearings where the testimonies of thousands of witnesses and victims were documented.
The report concludes that there is credible and extensive evidence that planning for, and knowledge of, a "scorched earth" policy in the days after the independence vote extended to the highest echelons of the Indonesian military.
The policy led to towns, villages and churches being razed, the population brutalised and the forced relocation of 250,000 people to Indonesian West Timor.
The report recommends that the UN Security Council set up a tribunal "should other measures be deemed to have failed to deliver a sufficient measure of justice and Indonesia persists in obstructing justice".
But the Timorese don't escape without criticism. The report attributes 10 per cent of the deaths to internecine violence among the four main East Timorese parties and reprisals against those who collaborated with the Indonesian military.
The report has the potential to divide the nation and could open old wounds between domestic political groups, observers in Dili say.
The Catholic Church, community groups, opposition parties and thousands of victims are certain to increase pressure on the Government to push for an international tribunal when the report is eventually disseminated.
However, Gusmao and the East Timorese Government have made clear they don't want the report to disrupt relations with Jakarta - where the loss of East Timor is still an extremely sensitive political issue. Gusmao and Indonesia's President, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, are scheduled to meet in Indonesia on February 17.
While rejecting many of the report's findings, Indonesian Government spokesmen said Jakarta wanted to "strengthen already close relations" between the two countries.
Gusmao and Yudhoyono are backing the truth and friendship commission set up by the Indonesian and East Timor governments to investigate human rights violations in 1999.
But the commission has been widely criticised because it will not have the powers to prosecute anybody.
Joao Goncalves, vice-president of East Timor's opposition Social Democratic Party, warns the country cannot have reconciliation with Indonesia "unless it is combined with justice for the victims".
"My party strongly believes that those people who have committed crimes of genocide have got to be brought to justice," he says. "And we believe it is also in Indonesia's best interests to see that the perpetrators are dealt with."
Even before the report is officially handed this week to the Catholic Church, the most powerful institution in a country where 90 per cent of people are Catholic, church representatives are warning they will not accept Gusmao's acquiescence to Indonesia on amnesty for Indonesians who committed atrocities.
The director of the church's Justice and Peace Commission, Martinho Gusmao, says the Catholic Church wants the international community to set up a tribunal.
"This is not just a problem between East Timor and Indonesia. They were crimes against humanity and this is a big international issue," Father Martinho says.
"The church intends to flex its muscles on this issue. How can there be justice if amnesties are granted to those responsible?"
He says the church will inform the people that the Government did not wish to press for justice.
Gusmao, a revered former guerilla leader, said he respects the church's stand but insists as head of state "let us not waste time in kneeling ourselves before the wailing wall".
Gusmao, in a letter accompanying the report, to be sent to 12 embassies in Dili including Australia's, says "I do not agree with all the commission's recommendations" although he was "pleased" with its work.
"We must respect the courage of the Indonesians in accepting our independence and not disrupt their progress towards democratisation by demanding formal justice," he was quoted recently as saying.
Gusmao tells the story of how he used to cry for the men he lost in battle. But then a platoon commander came to him and told him to stop crying. "Now your duty is not to cry for everyone who dies," the commander said. "Take care of us that are still alive."
Gusmao says "this is a good lesson in how to look at the current situation".
East Timor's Foreign Minister, Jose Ramos Horta, told the Herald that Gusmao never intended to suppress the report and was planning a series of workshops and seminars to disseminate its findings across the country.
But Ramos Horta, a Nobel laureate, said he had not yet had the courage to read all of it.
"I lost three brothers, a sister remains profoundly traumatised and angry. I never asked my mother or brothers or sisters what they went through because I don't want to go through the whole ordeal," he says.
Ramos Horta says the "bits of the report I have read confirm what I have known for many, many years about what happened here, a terrible indictment of the Indonesian army and of Indonesian society".
"And as a society they have to deal with the truth of the 24 years of Indonesian occupation in East Timor."
Ramos Horta says he and Gusmao agree that before the East Timorese demand action be taken against the Indonesians, they must "acknowledge our own past mistakes".
"Before Indonesia ever invaded this country there was a civil war," Ramos Horta says. "The first casualties were among East Timorese. The first weapons used were not Indonesian weapons."
The people of Gleno have built a monument to honour Ana. Her full name was Ana Xavier Conceicao Lemos, an independence hero.
Her mother likes to show visitors to her house a photograph of Ana as a smiling, confident young mother.
When she did for the Herald, Ana's 10 year-old son, Ferdenco, bursts into tears. "She was just a beautiful person," Ines Lemos said. "It's so hard when we think of her."
The people of Gleno knew that Ana's fate was probably sealed when she spoke at a public meeting early in 1999, daring to ask why the Indonesian army was not neutral in referendum campaigning and why Timorese were being set against Timorese.
They don't understand how the United Nations, which recruited and employed her, putting her at greater risk, could have abandoned her and is unwilling to bring her killers to justice.
Helene van Klinken, an Australian academic whose research contributed to the report, befriended Ana when she went to the Ermera district in June 1999 to work as a UN political affairs officer.
She recalls the last words that Ana wrote to her: "I hope at last the truth will always win, radiating light and hope, giving meaning to struggle. This is my prayer."
End.
[picture] No reconciliation without justice … Ana Lemos was raped and killed by militia. Photo: SUPPLIED ZZZ
☆概略
「ティモールの真実という時限爆弾」
〜人権に関するレポート（以前シャナナ・グスマオ東ティモール大統領が国連に提出したものです、yegy）はディリとジャカルタの間のデリケイトな関係を試すだろう〜
ANA LemosはGlenoに住んでいた。彼女はティモールの独立を主張し、住民投票に際しては国連の仕事に協力した。そして、インドネシア兵から性的虐待をうけ、連れ去られて殺された（この記事にはその有様が詳細に記述されています、yegy）。
ANA Lemosの母は娘の殺人者が起訴されるべきだと強く主張している。
真実和解委員会のレポートは東ティモール国内の古い傷を再び開きかねない。グスマオ大統領とユドヨノ・インドネシア大統領は2月17日に会談する予定。
グスマオと東ティモール政府はこのレポートがインドネシアとの関係を悪くさせることを望まない。
東ティモール人の90％が信仰するカトリックの教会は、グスマオたちの立場に反対する。
Martinho神父は
「これは東ティモールとインドネシアだけの問題ではない。これらは人権に対する罪で、大きな世界的問題だ。」
グスマオは教会の立場を尊重するという。しかし、「我々はすばらしい壁の前にひざまずいて時間を浪費すべきではない」と言う（“すばらしい壁”は宗教的な「真理」を意味していると思います、yegy）。
「我々はインドネシアが我々の独立を受け入れ、民主化への道を壊さなかったことの勇気を尊敬します。」グスマオは言った。
グスマオはある集団の指導者から次のように言われた。
「今のあなたのすべきことは死んだ人間を嘆き悲しむより、今生きている人間について考えることだ」
Glenoの人々はAnaを称える像を建てた。
Anaのことば。
「私は真実はいつでも最後には勝利し、努力に意味を与え、輝く光と希望となる。これが私の祈りです」
☆コメント
Anaに上記のような犯罪を犯したインドネシア兵が罪を問われていない現状は異常としか言いようがありません。それにもかかわらず、シャナナをはじめとした東ティモールの指導者たちは、それをインドネシアに対して要求できません。
しかし、シャナナは独立運動時代から数々の柔軟な知性を発揮してきました。これは真理に対していつでも揺るぎない主張を持っていたベロ司教とは対極的な姿勢と思います。正直僕には、東ティモールのこの状況について、なんと言うこともできません。もちろん国民を飢えさせるわけにはいかないのですから。
余談ですがユドヨノ大統領はノーベル平和賞候補となっているそうです。たしかにそれだけの仕事をしたと僕も思います。
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コメント(6)
本題からはそれますが、SBY（ユドヨノのこと）がノーベル平和賞候補に挙げられたのは、悪い冗談です。彼は大統領就任後1年余りで確かによくやっていますが、例えばアチェ和平を推進したのは副大統領のユスフ・カラですし、国内の人権状況に特別関心を払っているわけではありません。人権活動家ムニルが毒殺された事件はまだ真相が明らかになっていません。国軍改革はメガワティ時代よりは進展が見られますが、まだまだ時間がかかりそうです。何より過去の数々の人権侵害事件が公平に裁かれることを元軍人のSBYに期待するのは無理というものでしょう。
推薦したのは米国上院議員だそうで、アメリカを第2の祖国と呼んでいるSBYにしてみれば嬉しい事なのでしょうが、SBYをバックアップする事でインドネシアへの影響力を保持したい米国の意図が伺えます。
推薦したのは米国上院議員だそうで、アメリカを第2の祖国と呼んでいるSBYにしてみれば嬉しい事なのでしょうが、SBYをバックアップする事でインドネシアへの影響力を保持したい米国の意図が伺えます。
記事読ませていただきました。思わず耳をふさぎたくなるような話ですね。しかしそれが真実だったのだろうと思います。いえ、まだほとんどの戦争犯罪はベールに包まれたままなのではないかと思います。
東ティモールにとってインドネシアは最大の貿易相手国です。Overseas Trade Statistics 2004 によれば、２００４年度の輸入総額１億９８３万ドルのうち実に半分以上の６０２０万ドルがインドネシアからの輸入ですし、輸出もアメリカに次いで２位の相手国です。しかもインドネシアは東南アジアの中では大国ですから、インドネシアと対立することは他の先進国との軋轢を生み出しかねないのが現状です。
ただ「真実はいつも勝利する」とは全くその通りだと思います。侵略の歴史は、当事国では決して忘れられることはなく、大国の反省を促し続けていくのだと思います。日本だって例外ではないですね。
東ティモールにとってインドネシアは最大の貿易相手国です。Overseas Trade Statistics 2004 によれば、２００４年度の輸入総額１億９８３万ドルのうち実に半分以上の６０２０万ドルがインドネシアからの輸入ですし、輸出もアメリカに次いで２位の相手国です。しかもインドネシアは東南アジアの中では大国ですから、インドネシアと対立することは他の先進国との軋轢を生み出しかねないのが現状です。
ただ「真実はいつも勝利する」とは全くその通りだと思います。侵略の歴史は、当事国では決して忘れられることはなく、大国の反省を促し続けていくのだと思います。日本だって例外ではないですね。
この記事、ずっと読まなきゃと思いながらかなり日数経ってしまいました。
結局まだ流し読み程度ですが、酷い事件ですね。
そしてこれも氷山の一角にすぎないのでは？という気もします。
Ａｎａさんがどのような活動をしていたのか具体的に知りたいと思い、
ざっとですが彼女の名前でネット検索してみました。
同姓同名が多いせいか、すごいヒット数であまり手掛かりありませんでしたが、小学校の先生だったようですね。
この事件に関しては、ちゃんと読んだ上でまた改めてコメントしたいと思いますが、｢独立や革命に犠牲はつき物！｣ということが当たり前のような世の中だけにはしたくないです。
ユドヨノ大統領の活躍については勉強不足であまりよくは知りませんが、彼に限らず政治的人物はノーベル平和賞候補において対象外にしたほうがよいと思います。
例え平和に貢献したとしても、それは立場上であったり、利害関係が絡んだりで、必ずしも個人の努力ではないことが多いと思うので。本当に平和を願い、それに尽くすような立派な政治関係者がいたとしたら、きっと任期後も民間レベルで活動すると思うので、表彰する機会はありますし。
そもそも彼の場合、元軍人に平和賞ってもの微妙な気が。。。
結局まだ流し読み程度ですが、酷い事件ですね。
そしてこれも氷山の一角にすぎないのでは？という気もします。
Ａｎａさんがどのような活動をしていたのか具体的に知りたいと思い、
ざっとですが彼女の名前でネット検索してみました。
同姓同名が多いせいか、すごいヒット数であまり手掛かりありませんでしたが、小学校の先生だったようですね。
この事件に関しては、ちゃんと読んだ上でまた改めてコメントしたいと思いますが、｢独立や革命に犠牲はつき物！｣ということが当たり前のような世の中だけにはしたくないです。
ユドヨノ大統領の活躍については勉強不足であまりよくは知りませんが、彼に限らず政治的人物はノーベル平和賞候補において対象外にしたほうがよいと思います。
例え平和に貢献したとしても、それは立場上であったり、利害関係が絡んだりで、必ずしも個人の努力ではないことが多いと思うので。本当に平和を願い、それに尽くすような立派な政治関係者がいたとしたら、きっと任期後も民間レベルで活動すると思うので、表彰する機会はありますし。
そもそも彼の場合、元軍人に平和賞ってもの微妙な気が。。。
まやさんコメントありがとう。
そうです、氷山の一角、それも何万分の一あるいは何十万分の一のレベルです。
僕もAnaさんについて調べましたよ。
ティモールロロサエ情報にすこし載っていましたね。
ノーベル平和賞については、まやさんの考え、その通りだと思います。
東ティモールの場合、ラモス･ホルタ氏とベロ司教の受賞がむしろ事態を良くない方向に導いたとさえ考えられるようですね。それは｢いつかロロサエの森で｣にも書かれていますね。まやさん読んでいますか？南風島さんは、東ティモールとインドネシアの代表が一緒に受賞すれば良かったなどと言われていませんでしたっけ？そうするとスハルトが平和賞受賞者になるわけですか。ほんとうに政治がらみのノーベル平和賞は複雑ですね。
そうです、氷山の一角、それも何万分の一あるいは何十万分の一のレベルです。
僕もAnaさんについて調べましたよ。
ティモールロロサエ情報にすこし載っていましたね。
ノーベル平和賞については、まやさんの考え、その通りだと思います。
東ティモールの場合、ラモス･ホルタ氏とベロ司教の受賞がむしろ事態を良くない方向に導いたとさえ考えられるようですね。それは｢いつかロロサエの森で｣にも書かれていますね。まやさん読んでいますか？南風島さんは、東ティモールとインドネシアの代表が一緒に受賞すれば良かったなどと言われていませんでしたっけ？そうするとスハルトが平和賞受賞者になるわけですか。ほんとうに政治がらみのノーベル平和賞は複雑ですね。
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